Income and income inequality
Citation
AIHW (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) (2025) Income and income inequality, AIHW, Australian Government, accessed 9 June 2026.

A person’s wellbeing is influenced by many factors, but having an adequate income remains an essential component in measuring individual and household wellbeing. This page provides an overview of the economic wellbeing of Australians, including trends in individual income from wages, household income and income inequality, and financial stress.
Of particular interest is examining trends in income inequality, which refers to the unequal distribution of income among households, where some earn considerably more than others (ABS 2022a). This disparity can lead to social and economic challenges, as those with lower incomes may face greater barriers to accessing essential resources and opportunities. Therefore, higher levels of inequality within a society can affect multiple dimensions of wellbeing and welfare across healthcare, education, housing and employment, while also being associated with higher rates of violence (Parliament of Australia 2014, Wilkinson 2020).
The information on this page is drawn from various sources, including:
- Consumer Price Index (September 1997 – March 2025) – the Consumer Price Index is a measure of the average change over time in the prices paid by households for a fixed 'basket' of goods and services. It measures inflation experienced by households and changes in price for categories of household expenditure.
- Survey of Average Weekly Earnings (May 2012 – November 2024) – this survey is conducted twice a year in May and November and is the source of data on average weekly earnings. The data presented on this page are seasonally adjusted estimates of average weekly ordinary time earnings for full-time adult employees, excluding overtime and irregular bonuses. This measure reflects regular income and is the preferred measure for tracking wage growth, rather than income from all earnings, as short-term fluctuations in overtime can distort the underlying trend in wage growth and is commonly excluded to allow for more reliable comparisons of trends over time. Movements in average weekly earnings can be affected by changes in both wage rates and in the composition of employment. On this page, information is presented for nominal wages and real wages (adjusted for inflation using the Consumer Price Index).
- Wage price index (WPI) (September 1997 – March 2025) – measures changes in the price of labour (that is, wage rates). This measure is compiled using hourly rates of pay for a sample of employee jobs and is therefore not affected by compositional shifts in employment. The WPI presented on this page refers to the Total Hourly Rates of Pay excluding Bonuses Index, including overtime and irregular payments. The WPI covers total hourly rates of pay and is therefore unaffected by the quality and quantity of work performed. On this page, information is also presented for real wages (adjusted for inflation using the Consumer Price Index).
- PolicyMod (2005–2024) – AIHW commissioned POLIS@ANU: The Centre for Social Policy Research to generate estimates of changes in equivalised disposable income at different points of the income distribution. These are based on the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Survey of Income and Housing (SIH) and complemented by the Australian National University (ANU) PolicyMod microsimulation projections up to 2024 (Phillips et al. 2024). Data are available on the median nominal and real equivalised disposable household incomes, housing costs and measures of housing stress. From 2005 to 2019, the data represent financial years (2005–06 to 2019–20). Results for subsequent years are based on simulations, referencing the December point of each year. Real incomes are available from 2009 to 2024 and were computed by using the ANU Living Cost Index (LCI) to adjust for inflation. This LCI uses the ABS Household Expenditure Survey (HES) 2015–16 as the basis for weights as they apply to ABS Consumer Price Index (CPI) expenditure classes. It is similar to the ABS LCI, except for some differences in the weights attached to each expenditure class which closely align with the original survey data. The weights in the ABS version are more regularly adjusted to reflect changes in consumer habits, although this has led to large weight movements through the COVID-19 pandemic (Phillips 2019). The ANU LCI provides a stable measure for analysing long-term trends (including during the COVID-19 pandemic) and includes an overall LCI for households and household types of interest such as income quintiles.
- National accounts: Distribution of Household Income, Consumption and Wealth (September 1973 – March 2025) – integrates ABS micro and macro data to generate information on household income, consumption and wealth. This data source is used to report on equivalised disposable household income per capita to complement the PolicyMod projections of equivalised household income. The ABS Households Final consumption expenditure implicit price deflator was used to measure changes in household income by adjusting these data for changes in both prices and the composition of expenditure (ABS 2025e).
- The Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey (2001–2023) – this is a longitudinal study of Australian households, following the lives of more than 17,000 Australians each year and collecting information on aspects such as household and family relationships, income and employment, and health and education (DSS 2025). On this page, the HILDA survey is used for reporting on the Gini coefficient, self-reported measures of financial stress (see Financial stress data sources) and further socio-demographic variables. The Gini coefficient is computed for equivalised disposable income using the OECD equivalence scale. Negative incomes are treated as zeros (Productivity Commission 2018). Disclaimer: The HILDA Project was initiated and is funded by the Australian Government Department of Social Services (DSS) and is managed by the Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research (Melbourne Institute). The findings reported on this page, however, are those of the author and should not be attributed to either DSS or the Melbourne Institute.
Income from wages
It is important to analyse income from wages as this is the primary source of income for about 3 in 5 adult Australians and contributes to the quality of life and potential financial stress that they experience (ABS 2022b; 2023).
Income from wages can be measured using several data sources. On this page, we use full-time average weekly ordinary time earnings (AWOTE) to measure average weekly earnings for adults working full-time. Trends in AWOTE can be affected by changes in both wage rates and in the composition of employment. We also report on the Wage Price Index (WPI). Unlike measures of average weekly earnings, the WPI provides a measure of changes in hourly wage rates, which are not affected by compositional shifts in employment (see Income data sources).
Real wages growth recovered in 2024 due to growth in nominal wages and moderating inflation
The nominal AWOTE was $1,976 in November 2024, up from $1,396 in November 2012 (Figure 1).
Growth in nominal AWOTE has been strong in recent years, with an average annual growth rate of 4.2% between November 2021 and November 2024. Most recently, nominal AWOTE increased by 4.6% from $1,889 in November 2023 to $1,976 in November 2024. This is the highest growth recorded since 2013 except for a temporary spike of 4.8% during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in May 2020 (Figure 1). The strong wages growth since 2022 reflects increases to the national minimum wage in response to the rising cost of living. For example, the National Minimum Wage increased by 5.2% in 2022–23, by 8.6% in 2023–24 and by 3.7% in 2024–25 (Fair Work Commission 2024).
Accounting for inflation when reporting on trends in wages is important to determine if wage increases are actually improving workers’ ability to afford goods and services or just keeping up with rising costs. This is typically referred to as real wages. Inflation may cause individuals to be worse off if nominal wages growth does not keep pace with inflation and the associated growth in expenditures. Since mid-2021 inflation has been rising and peaked at 7.8% over the year to December 2022. It has since moderated to 2.4% over the year in both December 2024 and March 2025.
With moderating inflation and strong growth in nominal wages, real wages growth has recovered to 2.1% over the year to November 2024. This follows low growth of 0.4% over the year to November 2023 and 2 years of declines in the real value of wages between November 2020 and November 2022, reaching a peak decline of 4.1% over the year to November 2022. Despite recent growth in real wages, the real AWOTE in November 2024 ($1,976) was still just below the $1,990 recorded before the COVID-19 pandemic in November 2019 and only slightly higher than the $1,908 recorded in November 2012 (Figure 1).
Similarly, annual growth in the nominal WPI was 3.4% in March 2025, following several years of strong growth since 2022 (reaching a peak of 4.3% in December 2023 – the highest growth in the WPI since March 2009). After accounting for inflation, the annual growth in the real WPI recovered to 1.0% in March 2025 following weak annual growth of 0.4% in March 2024 and declines in the real WPI in each quarter between June 2021 and September 2023 (Figure 1).
Figure 1: Income from wages, June 2011 to March 2025
The chart shows the dollar amounts and annual percentage changes in nominal and real AWOTE (May 2013 to November 2024) and real WPI (June 2011 to March 2025).
Household income inequality
While the above-mentioned income data from wages for employed people provides important person-level information on income trends and changes in living standards, it is also important to look at household income and how this has changed at different points of the income distribution. Household income accounts for households sharing resources and expenses and it captures flexible or irregular work patterns (such as part-time, casual, temporary and over-time work).
Strong growth in nominal household incomes since 2022, fastest growth in 15 years
Based on PolicyMod, the median nominal equivalised household disposable income (household income) was $1,464 per week in December 2024 (equivalised income adjusts for household size and composition). Between 2007 and 2021, household income increased, on average, by 3.2% each year. Since 2021, annual growth in household income increased to 7.4% between 2021 and 2022, 5.4% between 2022 and 2023 and 6.6% between 2023 and 2024. This is the fastest growth since 2007 (an average of 10.7% per year between 2005 and 2007; Figure 2).
However, there is a wide range of different household incomes with the top fifth of households having an average weekly income of $2,488 compared with $549 for the bottom fifth of households (Figure 2).
Real household income growing by 3.2% in 2024 and returning to similar levels as in 2021, following two years of declining incomes
While the high inflation between 2021 and 2023 meant that income growth did not keep pace with rising living costs, moderating inflation since 2023 has allowed household incomes to grow faster than prices, resulting in positive real income growth.
After adjusting household income for inflation using the ANU’s living cost index (see Income data sources), median real equivalised household disposable income (real household income) increased by 3.2% from $1,418 in 2023 to $1,464 in 2024 (Figure 2). This marks a turnaround following 2 consecutive years of declines in real household income during which real household income fell by an average of 1.3% per year between 2021 and 2023. By 2024, real household income recovered to similar levels as in 2021 ($1,455).
As shown in Figure 2, growth in real household income between 2021 and 2024 has been different for different types of households. For example, owners with a mortgage experienced a 7.7% decline in real income over the 3 years, from $1,847 in 2021 to $1,705 in 2024. In contrast, real incomes grew by 9.7% for owners without a mortgage and by 5.5% for renters over the same time period. These differences reflect the sharp rise in mortgage costs of 58% between 2021–2024 (AIHW analysis of ANU PolicyMod data). Notably, real household incomes for owners with a mortgage were at a peak in 2021, reflecting historically low interest rates in 2020–2021.
Between 2023 and 2024, households across all income quintiles experienced growth in real household income, following declines from 2021 to 2023 for households from all income quintiles except for the lowest income quintile (Figure 2). Overall, between 2021 and 2024, real household income for lower-income households grew by 3.1% from $532 to $549 (income quintile 1) and by 0.9% from $928 to $936 (income quintile 2). In contrast, by 2024, middle-income and higher-income households still experienced incomes below those in 2021, declining by 1.3% from $1,279 to $1,262 (income quintile 3), by 3.1% from $1,718 to $1,666 (income quintile 4) and by 1.8% from $2,534 to $2,488 (income quintile 5). The declines for middle-income and higher-income households over 2021–2024 may reflect a higher proportion of owners with a mortgage (RBA 2024) who were exposed to rising mortgage costs during this period (see housing costs increasing for owners with a mortgage).
Among owners with a mortgage, the share of households spending more than 30% of their disposable income on housing has increased to record highs since 1984. For example, between 2022 and 2024, 41%–47% of owners with a mortgage paid more than 30% of their disposable household income on housing costs, compared with 24% in 2021, the lowest rate since 1988 (AIHW 2025). The record high rates of relative housing costs can be attributed to a combination of high interest rates and housing prices. According to the ABS Living Cost Indexes, mortgage interest charges were the most significant contributor to increases in employee households’ living costs, with mortgage interest charges rising by 15% over the year in December 2024, after peaking at 92% in June 2023 (ABS 2025b).
Figure 2: Equivalised disposable household income estimates and Gini Coefficient, 2001 to 2024
The chart shows median equivalised disposable household income from PolicyMod for 2009-2024, in nominal or real terms, in dollars or percentage changes, by income quintiles, tenure or household type.
Real household disposable income per capita returned to the same level as it was in 2020 after almost 3 years of declines
Real household disposable income per capita derived from the Australian National Accounts (see Income data sources) followed similar patterns as the projected household income data from PolicyMod. It is only in March 2025 that it has returned to the same level as it was in March 2020 prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. This follows almost 3 years of declines by an average of 4.2% between September 2021 and June 2024, before beginning to rise again by up to 1.7% between March 2024 and March 2025 (ABS 2023e).
Income inequality moderating after the peak in 2021-22
Income inequality can be measured by the Gini coefficient which varies between 0 and 1 with lower numbers representing less inequality. In 2022–23, the Gini coefficient was 0.304, decreasing from the two-decade high of 0.321 in 2021–22.
Over the past 2 decades the Gini coefficient varied between the lowest value of 0.287 in 2003–04 and the highest value of 0.321 in 2021–22.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Gini coefficient decreased from 0.302 in 2018–19 to 0.290 in 2019–20 and 0.296 in 2020–21. This may reflect the COVID-19-related government economic support packages, such as the introduction of the Coronavirus Supplement for working-age income support recipients that was in place until March 2021.
Financial stress
The cost of living pressures associated with rising inflation and interest rates since 2022 have led to increases in financial stress among many Australians (Biddle and Gray 2023a, 2023b; Biddle et al. 2024; O’Donnell et al. 2024). According to the ANUPoll, 35% of Australian adults found it difficult or very difficult to meet household expenses on their current income in April 2025. This is substantially higher than before the COVID-19 pandemic (27% in January 2020) and the lower levels experienced during the pandemic (within the range of 17% and 23% between April 2020 and October 2021). Since then, it has been gradually increasing to 24–25% in 2022, 28–31% in 2023 and 34% in 2024.
The information on this page is drawn from various sources, including:
- The Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey (2001 – 2023)– Financial stress is captured on an individual level for people aged 15 and above via the following 7 questions: Since the beginning of [this calendar year] did any of the following happen to you because of a shortage of money?
- Could not pay electricity, gas or telephone bills on time
- Could not pay the mortgage or rent on time
- Pawned or sold something
- Went without meals
- Was unable to heat home
- Asked for financial help from friends or family
- Asked for help from welfare or community organisations.
Two composite measures are derived from these 7 financial stress factors. ‘Any financial stress’ is derived based on whether people experience at least one of these 7 stress factors. ‘Severe financial stress’ is derived based on whether people experience one of the following 3 stress factors: not being able to pay their bills, not being able to pay the mortgage or rent payments on time and going without meals.
- ANU COVID-19 Monitoring Survey Program (ANUPoll) (February 2020 to April 2025) – this page also refers to ANUPoll for measures of financial stress. The ANUPoll is a series of polls conducted multiple times a year by the ANU. The polls assess Australians' opinions on important and topical issues. Some questions appear in every poll in order to provide information about changes in opinion over time, and the majority of questions appear in one poll only.
Financial stress increasing in 2023 with record high proportions of people missing meals
The prevalence of financial stress increased in 2023 to the highest rate in 11 years, reflecting financial pressures associated with the cost-of-living crisis. The proportion of people aged 15 and over experiencing at least one of the 7 financial stress factors (see Financial stress data sources) was 21% in 2023, increasing from 18% in 2021–2022 (Figure 3).
Some people may experience more severe financial stress than others, for example, falling behind on their bills, falling behind on their mortgage or rent payments, or not being able to afford meals. The prevalence of people experiencing one of these more severe financial stress factors has increased from 12–13% in 2019–2022 to 14% in 2023. The proportion of people missing out on meals, in particular, has risen to 4.9% in 2023 (highest on record since the inception of the HILDA Survey in 2001). This compares with an average of 3.3% in 2001–2019, including 3.9% in 2019 (Figure 3).
The increasing prevalence of any financial stress, severe financial stress and missing meals between 2019 and 2023 was also observed when controlling for demographic, geographic and socioeconomic factors in panel logistic regression models (adjusted odds ratios of 1.2, 1.3 and 1.4, respectively; Figure 4).
While 21% of people aged 15 and over experienced financial stress in 2023, for different groups of people their experience of financial stress varied. In 2023, groups with high level of financial stress included:
- 31% of people who had had a serious personal injury or illness in the past year
- 37% of renters
- 43% of single parents.
Financial stress for all these sub-groups have increased since 2020–2021 (Figure 3).
Figure 3: Proportion of people experiencing financial stress, 2001 to 2023
The chart shows the proportion of people experiencing financial stress in 2001-2023; measured as any stress, severe stress or 7 components of financial stress; total, by sex, age, tenure or household.
Renters, single parents and 35–49-year-olds are at highest risk of experiencing financial stress
Figure 4 presents the results from a logistic regression analysis modelling a person’s odds of experiencing financial stress in 2023, accounting for a range of individual characteristics (such as sex, age, household structure, housing tenure, socioeconomic disadvantage, education and remoteness).
There are associations between financial stress (any financial stress or severe financial stress) and most of the above-mentioned individual characteristics for people aged 20 years and over (Figure 4). These associations are the strongest for:
- single parents relative to couples without children (odds ratios 3.1 for any financial stress and 3.3 for severe financial stress)
- renters relative to owners without a mortgage (odds ratios 3.1 for any financial stress and 3.5 for severe financial stress)
- people living in the most disadvantaged areas relative to people living in the most advantaged areas (odds ratios 2.3 for any financial stress and 2.4 for severe financial stress).
In addition, people aged 20–24 and people aged 50 and over were less likely to experience financial stress relative to people aged 35–49 (for example, odds ratios for people aged 65 and over are as low as 0.45 for any financial stress and 0.46 for severe financial stress). The reason for the 20–24 age group experiencing lower financial stress could be associated with being less likely to fall behind on paying their electricity, gas or telephone bills compared to those aged 35–49 (odds ratio 0.67), while they were more likely to ask friends or family for financial help (odds ratio 1.2).
Figure 4: Regression model estimates of the factors associated with financial stress for individuals aged 20 and above (adjusted odds ratios), 2023
The chart presents estimated odds ratios from a logistic regression showing the relationship between financial stress and various socio-demographic factors based on the HILDA survey in 2023.
Where do I go for more information?
For more information on income and income inequality, see:
- AIHW Housing Data Dashboard
- AIHW Housing affordability
- Melbourne Institute: Applied Economic & Social Research HILDA Survey
- Australian Bureau of Statistics Measuring What Matters themes and indicators
- Australian Data Archive Data Access to the HILDA Survey
ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) (2020) Average Weekly Earnings, Australia, May 2020, ABS website, accessed 5 April 2025.
ABS (2022a) Summary Indicators of Income and Wealth Distribution, ABS website, accessed 4 March 2025.
ABS (2022b) Household Income and Wealth, Australia, ABS website, accessed 15 April 2025.
ABS (2023) New Census insights on income in Australia using administrative data, ABS website, accessed 5 June 2025.
ABS (2025a) Consumer Price Index, Australia, December quarter 2024, ABS website, AIHW analysis of basic microdata, accessed 12 June 2025.
ABS (2025b) Selected Living Cost Indexes, Australia, ABS website, accessed 9 April 2025.
ABS (2025c) Average Weekly Earnings, Australia, November 2024, ABS website, AIHW analysis of basic microdata, accessed 12 June 2025.
ABS (2025d) Wage Price Index, Australia, March 2025, ABS website, AIHW analysis of basic microdata, accessed 12 June 2025.
ABS (2025e) Australian National Accounts: Distribution of Household Income, Consumption and Wealth, March 2025, ABS website, AIHW analysis of basic microdata, accessed 7 July 2025.
AIHW (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) (2025) Housing Affordability, accessed 25 September 2025.
Biddle N and Gray M (2023a) Taking stock: wellbeing and political attitudes in Australia at the start of the post-COVID era, January 2023, ANU Centre for Social Research Methods, accessed 11 May 2023.
Biddle N and Gray M (2023b) Hangovers and hard landings: Financial wellbeing and the impact of the COVID-19 and inflationary crises, August 2023, ANU Centre for Social Research and Methods, accessed 29 August 2024.
Biddle N, Gray M and Phillips B (2024) It’s the economy (and housing), stupid: Views of Australians on the economy and the housing market in January 2024, POLIS@ANU: The Centre for Social Policy Research, accessed 2 October 2024.
DSS (Department of Social Services) (2025) Living in Australia: The Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey | Department of Social Services, DSS, Australian Government, accessed 2 April 2025.
Fair Work Commission (2024) National minimum wage orders, Fair Work Commission, Australian Government, accessed 26 September 2024.
O’Donnell J, Guang Q and Prentice T (2024) Mapping Social Cohesion, accessed 7 February 2025.
Parliament of Australia (Senate Community Affairs References Committee) (2014) Bridging our growing divide: inequality in Australia. Chapter 3 – Impact of income inequality on access to services and entrenching disadvantage. Australian Government, accessed 3 April 2025.
Phillips B (2019) Research Note: Living standards and cost of living indexes, ANU Centre for Social Research and Methods, accessed 27 February 2025.
Phillips B, Webster R and Joseph C (2024) PolicyMod: Microsimulation model for the Australian tax and transfer system, ANU Centre for Social Research and Methods, accessed 27 February 2025.
RBA (Reserve Bank of Australia) Developments in income and consumption across household groups. RBA website, accessed 13 June 2025.
Wilkinson RG (2020) The impact of inequality, 1st edition. London, Routledge.