Housing circumstances of First Nations people

A safe, secure home with working facilities is essential for good health and wellbeing. Having inappropriate housing in terms of the quality, quantity, affordability, accessibility and inclusiveness is a fundamental contributor to disadvantage and a driver of homelessness (AIHW 2019; DSS 2024).

Historical experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) people and the ongoing impacts of colonisation have had a considerable impact on housing situations and conditions (AIHW 2019). Some of these impacts include racism, discrimination and stereotypes in accessing private housing (AHRC 2020).

Although the housing situation of First Nations people has improved – for example with rises in home ownership and falling levels of homelessness – it has been recognised that First Nations people have substantially less access to affordable, secure and quality housing (AIHW 2019; AIHW and NIAA 2020). As such, governments are increasingly targeting housing as an essential policy area for improving the health and wellbeing of First Nations people. For example, the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health plan recognises that community driven solutions provide the best opportunity for healthy and responsive housing to drive positive physical, mental, and social and emotional wellbeing (Department of Health and Aged Care 2021). 

This page focuses on housing tenure (including ownership, rental, and social housing), housing affordability, housing assistance, housing quality (including facilities and structural soundness) and overcrowding. It also looks at homelessness and the use of relevant services by First Nations people. 

For information on housing as a determinant of health for First Nations people, see the latest update for the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework (HPF) – summary report; for regional level information on housing circumstances and health, see the Regional Insights for Indigenous Communities website. See also the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan 2021-2031 and Australia’s Disability Strategy 2021-2031.

Household characteristics

A First Nations household is defined as an occupied private dwelling where at least one of its usual residents identifies as being Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander. 

According to the 2021 Census of Population and Housing (the Census), there were 352,041 First Nations households in 2021, representing 3.8% of all households in Australia – up from 2.1% in 2001 (ABS 2022b). 

Of these households in 2021:

• 80% (281,729 dwellings) were separate houses
• 11% (38,396) were semi-detached, row or terrace houses, or townhouses
• 8.0% (27,919) were flats or apartments (ABS 2022b).

In 2021, the majority (96%, or around 779,300 persons) of First Nations people counted on Census night lived in private dwellings. The remainder (4.1% or around 33,400 persons) lived in non-private dwellings (such as hotels, motels or bed and breakfasts, staff quarters, boarding schools, nursing homes and prisons) (ABS 2022a).

Housing tenure

Housing tenure describes whether a dwelling is owned, rented or occupied under some other arrangement. According to the 2021 Census, more than half of First Nations households were renting (56%, or 192,703 dwellings), while 42% (145,101) were owner-occupier. Other tenure types, including dwellings being occupied rent free or under a life tenure scheme, accounted for the remaining 1.6% of First Nations households (ABS 2022a).

Home ownership 

Of First Nations households in 2021, 28% (96,647 dwellings) owned their home with a mortgage and 14% (48,452) owned their home outright (ABS 2022a). Home ownership (with and without a mortgage) has increased over time to 42% in 2021, up from 37% (75,095) in 2011, and 33% (46,188) in 2001 (ABS 2022b).

For detailed information on home ownership among First Nations people, by birth cohort and age group, see Home ownership and housing tenure.

Private rental and social housing

Of First Nations households in 2021, 35% (120,246 dwellings) were renting privately, 18% (63,269) were living in social housing, and 2.7% (9,187) were renting from another landlord type (ABS 2022a).

Remoteness area

Tenure type varies with remoteness area. 

According to the 2021 Census, First Nations households in remote areas (Remote and Very remote areas combined) were:

• less likely to be homeowners (with or without a mortgage) (21% of dwellings) compared with those in non-remote areas (Major cities, Inner regional and Outer regional areas; 44%))
• more likely to be living in social housing than those in non-remote areas (54% of households, compared with 15%) (ABS 2022a) (Figure 1).

First Nations people living in remote areas are more likely to be living on land owned by the community and therefore individual homeownership does not apply.

Changes in tenure type over time

Census data indicates that, between 2001 and 2021, the proportion of First Nations households who were:

• living in social housing fell – from 32% in 2001, to 27% in 2011 and 18% in 2021
• renting privately rose – from 28% in 2001, to 30% in 2011 and 35% in 2021 (Figure 2).

Housing stress and affordability

Measuring housing affordability is complex. One way to assess housing affordability is to compare housing costs to gross household income. Households that spend a high proportion of their income on housing are more likely to be in financial stress and less able to afford other regular cost of living expenses. Housing stress, a commonly used indicator of housing affordability, is typically measured by assessing the proportion of a household’s gross income that is spent on housing costs – like rent payments or mortgage repayments (AIHW 2024b; ABS 2021b, 2021c; Thomas and Hall 2016).

According to the 2021 Census:

• 14% (11,765 households) of First Nations households who owned their home with a mortgage were experiencing a mortgage stress
• 35% (58,867 households) of First Nations households that were renting were experiencing rental stress (Figure 3).

Rental and mortgage stress for First Nations people decreased between 2016 and 2021.

• 27% (65,400) of First Nations people aged 15 years and over in 2021 were living in a household that was experiencing rental stress, a decrease from 30% (54,900) in 2016.
• 12% (13,400) of First Nations people aged 15 years and over in 2021 were living in a household that was experiencing mortgage stress, a decrease from 18% (14,100) in 2016 (Figure 3).

In 2021:

• the median monthly mortgage repayment paid by First Nations households was $1,700 (ABS 2022b)
• the median weekly rent paid by First Nations households was $300. This amount differed by landlord type (higher for privately rented households than for those rented through social housing) (ABS 2022b).

For comparisons of housing stress and affordability between First Nations and other households, refer to Table 3.

Housing assistance

Access to secure and affordable housing has significant social, economic, and personal benefits (DSS 2023). First Nations people face many barriers in the housing market, some of which include discrimination, challenges in meeting criteria for properties, and lack of appropriate and good quality housing (Moskos et al. 2022; Tually et al. 2022).

The new National Agreement on Social Housing and Homelessness (NASHH) recognises the need to address the disproportionate housing inequality that affects First Nations people, recognising progress must be achieved through alignment with the Priority Reforms committed to in the National Agreement on Closing the Gap (Australian Government 2024).

Housing assistance refers to both access to social housing and targeted financial assistance for those who are eligible (AIHW 2025).

Social Housing

Social housing is low cost or subsidised rental housing provided by state and territory governments and the community sector. Its purpose is to assist people who are unable to afford or access suitable rental accommodation in the private rental market (Thomas 2018). 

There are 4 main social housing programs operating in Australia, 2 of which are specifically targeted at First Nations people (Table 1):

• state owned and managed Indigenous housing (SOMIH) – accessed by those on low incomes and/or with special needs
• Indigenous community housing (ICH) – owned and/or managed by First Nations organisations for the provision of housing services to First Nations people (AIHW 2019, 2024b).

Allocating social housing to eligible applicants depends on their level of priority (based on need) and dwelling availability. Social housing is generally allocated to those with the greatest need (AIHW 2025). More information is available at Housing assistance in Australia 2025.

According to data from the AIHW National Housing Assistance Data Repository, as at 30 June 2024 there were 84,365 First Nations households in social housing:

• 40,652 in public housing 
• 11,464 in community housing 
• 14,670 in SOMIH 
• 17,579 in ICH (may include some ICH households that are not First Nations households) (AIHW 2025).

Of the Indigenous-specific social housing programs, waiting time data are available for SOMIH (AIHW 2025). The proportion of newly allocated SOMIH households that waited less than one year was 60% (594 households) in 2020–21 down to 44% (342 households) in 2023–24.

Social housing dwelling standards and tenant satisfaction

Tenant satisfaction is measured by how the tenant/s living in social housing rate the condition of their home and the number of its working facilities (see Housing quality).

According to the 2023 National Social Housing Survey (NSHS):

• of First Nations households in social housing, 65% of public housing tenants were satisfied or very satisfied with their housing, compared with 62% of community housing and 67% of SOMIH tenants
• 81% of First Nations households in social housing said that the size of their living spaces met their needs
• whether amenities met needs of SOMIH tenants varied by amenity type and over time:
  • thermal comfort (remained similar, 69% in 2021 and 70% in 2023)
  • number of bedrooms (declined from 84% in 2021 to 82% in 2023)
  • safety/security of the home (increased from 78% in 2021 to 80% in 2023) (AIHW 2024c).

Commonwealth Rent Assistance

Commonwealth Rent Assistance (CRA) is a non-taxable income supplement payable to eligible people who rent in private or community housing rental markets. It is the most common form of housing assistance received by First Nations households (AIHW 2019). 

CRA payments are made to ‘income units’, rather than households. An income unit is one person, or a group of persons within a household, whose command over income is assumed to be shared. For this section, the term CRA recipients is used to mean CRA income units.

At the end of June 2024, 96,665 CRA recipients reported having a First Nations member. This equates to 7.4% of all CRA recipients, an increase from 4.3% in 2013 (AIHW 2024a). Changes to social security payments were made in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and as a result, the number of recipients receiving CRA peaked in 2020 (AIHW 2022).

Rental stress is defined here as a CRA recipient that spends more than 30% of gross income on rent. At June 2024, of First Nations CRA recipients:

• 70% (67,225) would have been in rental stress without CRA
• 35% (33,880) were still in rental stress after receiving CRA – an increase since 2013 (16,495 recipients) (AIHW 2024a). 

The exception was in 2020 (19%, or 19,030), because the 2020 calculation of rental stress included the temporary Coronavirus Supplement (AIHW 2022, 2025). 

Housing quality 

Housing quality is closely related to environmental health and affects a range of health indicators (SCRGSP 2020). For instance, poor air quality, lack of power and safe drinking water and inadequate waste and sanitation facilities, all contribute to poorer health and welfare. Non-functional facilities, and overcrowding, can contribute to skin infections, trachoma, otitis media, and acute rheumatic fever and rheumatic heart disease (Department of Health and Aged Care 2021).

In 2022–23:

• Just under 1 in 5 (18%) First Nations households were living in dwellings that did not meet an acceptable standard – defined in the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) as having at least one basic household facility that was unavailable or having more than 2 major structural problems.
• 1 in 3 (31%) First Nations households were living in dwellings with at least one major structural problem (for example, major cracks in walls/floors, walls or windows that are not straight, or major plumbing problems). First Nations households were more likely to live in dwellings with structural problems as remoteness increased (Figure 4).
• Just under 1 in 10 (8.1%) First Nations households had no access to working facilities for food preparation, 4.2% had no access to working facilities to wash clothes and bedding and 2.4% had no access to working facilities for washing people. 

These proportions are like the proportions from NATSIHS 2018–19 data.

Overcrowding

Living in appropriately sized housing that isn’t overcrowded is an important determinant of physical and mental health. Overcrowding can affect education and health outcomes, and increases the spread of infectious diseases, such as COVID-19 and acute rheumatic fever (AIHW 2024a). Reducing overcrowding can also improve skin health, and reduce the wear and tear on health hardware, such as facilities for washing clothes or people (AIHW 2020).

The following definition for overcrowding is based on the Canadian National Occupancy Standard (CNOS). Broadly, an overcrowded household would require one or more additional bedrooms to adequately accommodate its occupants. This definition may not adequately reflect the perspectives First Nations people have on overcrowding, as it does not consider differences like cultural norms around shared living and sleeping arrangements (Dockery et al. 2022). 

The 2021 Census identified that 81% of First Nations people (569,360 persons) across all types of housing tenure were living in appropriately sized housing (not overcrowded) – an increase from 79% (426,640) in 2016, and 69% (241,660) in 2001 (ABS 2022b).

Overcrowding rates varied with remoteness. According to the 2021 Census, the proportion of First Nations people living in overcrowded dwellings was higher in remote areas (55% in Very remote areas and 32% in Remote areas), than in non-remote areas (18% in Outer regional areas, 13% in Inner regional areas and 12% in Major cities) (ABS 2022a).

Available data suggests a decline in overcrowding over time. The proportion of First Nations people living in overcrowded conditions fell from 31% in 2001 to 19% in 2021 (Figure 5). The drop in overcrowding represents a narrowing of the gap between First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians from 24 to 12 percentage points (ABS 2021c; AIHW and NIAA 2020).

Homelessness 

An estimated 24,930 First Nations people were experiencing homelessness on Census night 2021 (ABS 2022b, ABS 2023b). 

Among these people:

• 60% (14,956 persons) were living in severely crowded dwellings, 4 or more additional bedrooms are required
• 19% (4,753) were in supported accommodations for the homeless
• 9% (2,320) were living in improvised dwellings, tents, or sleepouts (ABS 2023b).

Data on people receiving support from Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS) for 2023–24 shows that: 

• 78,292 First Nations people received SHS support
• family and domestic violence (25%), housing crisis (for example, eviction) (17%), and inadequate or inappropriate dwelling conditions (14%) were the most common main reasons First Nations people sought assistance from SHS agencies (AIHW 2024c).

For more information on First Nations people receiving support from specialist homelessness services, see the Specialist homelessness services annual report 2023–24 and the Evidence summary on First Nations clients.

Comparisons between First Nations households and other households

Between 2011 and 2021:

• First Nations households that were either owned outright or owned with a mortgage increased from 37% to 42%, compared with about 68% to 70% of other households.
• A higher proportion of First Nations households were in privately rented accommodation (which increase from 33% to 37%), compared with other households (which increased from 24% to 27%).
• A higher proportion of First Nations households were renters in social housing, (though this decreased over the period from 27% to 18%), compared with other households (which were between 3.3% and 4.1% over the period) (Table 2).

(a) Indigenous status of the household is determined using the ABS Census variable 'Indigenous household indicator’. A First Nations household is a household that has at least 1 First Nations person who is a usual resident. 'Other households' are households where there were no First Nations usual residents. 

(b) Comprises dwellings being rented from a parent/other relative or other person and includes rented dwellings with a landlord such as an owner/manager of a residential park (including caravan parks and manufactured home estates) or employer.

Note: Table excludes Other tenure types and Tenure type not stated.

Source: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework Measure 2.01, Table D2.01.20. AIHW analysis of ABS Census of Population and Housing 2021 (AIHW 2022b).

Housing stress and affordability

From the 2021 Census, the proportion of First Nations households and other households that spend more than 30% of their gross monthly income on mortgage repayments are similar (14% and 16%, respectively) (Table 3). For renting households, the proportion of First Nations households paying more than 30% of their gross income as rent (35%) is similar to the proportion of other households (36%). The median monthly mortgage repayment is higher for other households ($1,950) compared with First Nations households ($1,700). A similar situation holds for median weekly rents with the median other household weekly rent exceeding the median First Nation weekly rent ($400 and $300, respectively).

. . not applicable.

Notes

1. Data on mortgage repayments relates to occupied private dwellings owned with a mortgage or being purchased under a shared equity scheme. Excludes households where housing costs as a proportion of income could not be determined. 

2. Data on rent payments relates occupied private dwellings being rented. Excludes households where rental costs as a proportion of household income could not be determined. 

3. Cells in this table have been randomly adjusted to avoid the release of confidential data. These adjustments may cause the sum of rows or columns to differ by small amounts from table totals.

4. Differences between present medians values here and median values reported by the ABS will occur due to binning of mortgage repayment and weekly rent data in Census TableBuilder.

Source: AIHW analysis of ABS Census of Population and Housing 2021 (ABS 2022a).

Homelessness

First Nations people are over-represented in both the national homeless population and as users of Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS):

• The ABS 2021 Census showed that First Nations people accounted for one-fifth (20% or an estimated 24,930 people) of the homeless population nationally, compared with only 3.8% of the total Australian population (ABS 2022b, ABS 2023b). 
• SHS data show that First Nations people made up 29% of all SHS clients in 2022–23– an increase from 22% (43,642) of all SHS clients in 2011–12 (AIHW 2024d). It is important to note that changes in the number of First Nations clients over time may be a genuine increase, however, may also reflect improved data about Indigenous status among SHS clients.

Proportionally, more First Nations SHS clients (71%) than non-Indigenous clients (61%) were returning clients – that is, they had received SHS services at some point since the collection began in July 2011. First Nations clients were also younger, with 48% (37,308) of First Nations SHS clients aged under 25 compared with 38% (74,104) of non-Indigenous clients.

Closing the Gap targets

In 2020, all Australian governments and the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations, worked in partnership to develop the National Agreement on Closing the Gap (the National Agreement), built around 4 Priority Reforms. The National Agreement also identifies 19 targets across 17 socioeconomic outcome areas.

The National Agreement has identified the importance of addressing appropriate and affordable housing that is aligned with the priorities and needs of First Nations people (socioeconomic outcome area 9 in the National Agreement). There are 2 targets associated with this outcome, monitored annually by the Productivity Commission and reported in their Closing the Gap Information Repository Dashboard (PM&C 2020).

Where do I go for more information?

For more information on housing for First Nations people, see:

• Housing assistance in Australia 2025
• Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework – summary report 2024
• National Social Housing Survey, 2023
• Productivity Commission Report on Government Services, Chapter 18 – Housing
• Productivity Commission Report on Government Services, Chapter 19 – Homelessness services
• Productivity Commission Overcoming Indigenous disadvantage – key indicators 2020