Clients rough sleeping
Specialist homelessness services (SHS) provide support to people experiencing or at risk of homelessness. The following summarises evidence from the Specialist Homelessness Services Collection (SHSC) about clients rough sleeping. For more comprehensive analyses and the most recent data please use the hyperlinks on each evidence statement or the evidence sources at the end of this page.
Evidence summary
Around 1 in 10 SHS clients are rough sleeping when they start SHS support[5].
The number and proportion of SHS clients who are rough sleeping is increasing[1].
Around half of rough sleeping SHS clients live in a street, park or in the open; around 1 in 5 live in a motor vehicle; and around 1 in 10 live in a caravan[2].
For every 5 SHS clients who are rough sleeping, around 3 are male and 2 are female[1].
Mental health issues are more common among SHS clients who are rough sleeping than other SHS clients[1].
SHS clients who are rough sleeping are twice as likely as clients experiencing homelessness but not rough sleeping to need counselling for drug or alcohol problems, or for problem gambling[3].
The median age at death for people with a recorded history of ever having slept rough is 50 years – lower than people with a history of homelessness but not rough sleeping (52 years) and people who had received SHS support but not experienced homelessness (61 years)[4].
On the night of the 2021 Census, around 7,600 people were rough sleeping in Australia (ABS 2023). However, the actual number of people rough sleeping is likely to be higher as the 2021 Census occurred during the COVID-19 crisis – a time when state and territory governments worked with service agencies to provide temporary accommodation to people sleeping rough (ABS 2023). Some of these programs have since ceased.
Pathways to rough sleeping
Rough sleeping is generally a last resort for people facing housing insecurity. Before rough sleeping, people will often cycle between unstable housing options such as couch surfing, overcrowded dwellings or emergency accommodation (Glennie and Robinson 2024).
Many individual and structural factors may be involved in the pathway to rough sleeping, including (AIHW 2018; FACSIAR 2023a,b; Glennie and Robinson 2024):
- mental health issues
- family and domestic violence
- unsupported exits from institutions or out-of-home care
- unaffordable housing.
Impacts of rough sleeping
People rough sleeping face challenges in meeting basic survival needs for food, water and shelter. Poor nutrition and harsh living conditions contribute to high rates of chronic disease, disability and death, especially among people rough sleeping long-term (AIHW 2018; AIHW 2025; FACSIAR 2023a; Fazel et al. 2014). People rough sleeping also face high rates of violence which may further compound complex histories of trauma, and result in injury or even death (Box et al. 2022; Flatau et al. 2021; Robinson 2010). An Australian study found that among people rough sleeping, at least half of men and 3 in 5 women had been physically attacked since becoming homeless (Box et al. 2022).
People rough sleeping are visible to police and may face arrest or fines for behaviours necessary for survival or failing to comply with move-on orders (McNamara et al. 2021; Vallesi et al. 2019; Walsh et al. 2024). Navigating the legal system is particularly difficult for people rough sleeping, who may not have a fixed address, phone or means to travel (McNamara et al. 2021). Despite these challenges, there is limited evidence that rough sleeping causes incarceration (Moschion and Johnson 2019). However, leaving prison can increase the risk of homelessness and rough sleeping (AIHW 2024; Moschion and Johnson 2019). See Clients exiting custodial arrangements for more information.
People rough sleeping often disengage with health and housing service providers because of experiences of judgement and discrimination, or feelings of hopelessness over long waitlists for social housing (Glennie and Robinson 2024; Parsell et al. 2020). This lack of engagement, combined with frequent contact with the justice system, can trap people in cycles of poor health and homelessness.
The longer a person sleeps rough, the worse their health issues become (Wood et al. 2019). Unresolved health issues often lead to preventable and costly emergency hospital visits (Box et al. 2022; Flatau et al. 2021,2022). Research shows that investing in solutions to rough sleeping, such as last resort housing, is cost effective and can result in long-term economic gains (SGS Economics and Planning 2022; Witte 2017).
Pathways out of rough sleeping
The Housing First (HF) model is widely supported as an effective approach for supporting people with complex needs to exit homelessness. HF prioritises rapid access to stable housing without requiring behavioural changes for eligibility (Roggenbuck 2023).
However, structural barriers often prevent people sleeping rough from accessing services to apply for such programs. These can include (Flatau et al. 2021; Mackie et al. 2017):
- location of services (sometimes requiring travel over long distances)
- fragmented service systems
- discrimination based on age, race, appearance, disabilities, gender identity or sexual orientation.
Assertive outreach has been identified as a critical step in helping people rough sleeping to overcome these barriers. Assertive outreach involves seeking out and engaging with people rough sleeping to connect them with services (Stambe et al. 2023). Some evidence suggests that police are well positioned to provide this initial support. For example, in the Australian Capital Territory, interactions with police have been reported as more helpful than harmful, with police checking on people rough sleeping and giving them contact details for services (Choudhury 2019; McNamara et al. 2021; Vallesi et al. 2019; Walsh et al. 2024). However, this is not the norm – many people rough sleeping report negative experiences with police and would prefer to be left alone (McNamara et al. 2021; Walsh et al. 2024). Better partnerships between police and local outreach services may reduce anxiety and punitive responses, leading to more positive outcomes for people rough sleeping (Vallesi et al. 2019).
State and territory governments in Australia have incorporated both assertive outreach and Housing First approaches in strategies to end homelessness (DFFH 2021; NSW Government 2023; WA Department of Communities 2021). However, the effectiveness of these strategies can be limited by shortages of suitable affordable housing and long waitlists (Pawson et al. 2024; Stambe et al. 2023).
About the Specialist Homelessness Services data – defining rough sleeping clients
The Specialist Homelessness Services Collection commenced in July 2011. Specialist homelessness services (SHS) agencies provide a variety of services to assist people who are experiencing homelessness or who are at risk of homelessness.
SHS clients who are rough sleeping are defined as an clients who, either the week before presenting, at the time of presenting to an SHS agency, or at the end of their support with an SHS agency, had no shelter or who were living in non-conventional accommodation, including:
- living on the streets
- sleeping in parks
- squatting
- staying in cars or railway carriages
- living in improvised dwellings
- living in the long grass.
Source report | Time periods | Contents |
|---|---|---|
| 1. Specialist homelessness services: trends in clients rough sleeping | 2017–18 to 2022–23 | People rough sleeping are the most vulnerable and most visible of Australia’s homeless. Specialist homelessness services (SHS) provide a range of information and support to assist people who are rough sleeping into more suitable accommodation. This report provides an overview of the characteristics and vulnerabilities of rough sleeping specialist homelessness services clients over a 5-year period. |
2011–12 onwards | Summarises the characteristics of clients receiving support from specialist homelessness services throughout financial years, including the services requested, outcomes achieved, and unmet requests for services. | |
3. Specialist homelessness services client pathways: Rough sleeping clients in 2016–18 | 2016–18 | Support provided to transition people rough sleeping into more suitable accommodation are provided by Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS). This report examines the characteristics and SHS support patterns of this group of clients for a period of 2 years before and after 2016–18. |
2012–13 to 2021–22 | Explores the characteristics of people who received support from specialist homelessness services at any time since 2011–12 and who died between 2012–13 and 2022–23. High level findings presented include rates of death, age at death, causes of death and time since last SHS support and death. | |
| 5. Specialist Homelessness Services Collection data cubes | 2011–12 to 2023–24 | The Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS) Collection (SHSC) data cubes are a subset of the SHSC dataset and contain data for 2011–12 to 2023–24, where available. |
AIHW (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) (2018) Sleeping rough: A profile of Specialist Homelessness Services clients, AIHW, Australian Government, accessed 5 September 2025.
AIHW (2024) Specialist homelessness services client pathways: analysis insights: SHS: Rough sleeping clients in 2016–18, AIHW, Australian Government, accessed 24 September 2025.
AIHW (2025) Specialist Homelessness Services: feature analysis: People with a history of specialist homelessness services support who have died, AIHW, Australian Government, accessed 27 October 2025.
ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) (2023) Estimating Homelessness: Census, ABS website, accessed 26 May 2023.
ACT (Australian Capital Territory) Government (2022) Strategic Investment Plan for Homelessness Sector, ACT Government website, accessed 26 May 2023.
Box E, Flatau P and Lester L (2022) ‘Women rough sleeping: The health, social and economic costs of homelessness’, Health and Social Care, 30(6):e4175-e4190, doi: 10.1111/hsc.13811
Choudhury F (2019) ‘The criminalisation of homelessness: An Australian capital territory perspective’, Parity, 32(4), 12–13.
Department of Communities (2021) 10-year Strategy on Homelessness 2020-2030 (All Paths Lead to Home), West Australian Government website, accessed 26 May 2023.
DFFH (Department of Families, Fairness and Housing) (2021) Victoria’s Homelessness and Rough Sleeping Action Plan Program guidelines update August 2021– Assertive Outreach, DFFH website, accessed 26 May 2023.
FACSIAR (Family and Community Services Insights Analysis and Research) (2023a) Evidence Brief: Pathways to homelessness for people rough sleeping in NSW, NSW Government, FACSIAR website, accessed 2 October 2025.
FACSIAR (Family and Community Services Insights Analysis and Research) (2023b) Evidence Brief: Pathways to homelessness for young people leaving out-of-home care in NSW, NSW Government, FACSIAR website, accessed 2 October 2025.
Flatau P, Lester L, Kyron M, Lai C and Li M (2022) Ending homelessness in Western Australia, The University of Western Australia website, accessed 26 May 2023.
Flatau P, Lester L, Seivwright A, Teal R, Dobrovic J, Vallesi S, Hartley C and Callis, Z (2021) Ending homelessness in Australia: An evidence and policy deep dive, Perth: Centre for Social Impact, The University of Western Australia and the University of New South Wales. https://doi.org/10.25916/ntba-f006.
Glennie M and Robinson C (2024) ‘Handing out tents: The unmet needs of Tasmanians sleeping rough’, University of Tasmania, Hobart.
Joffe G, Chow J, Heligman T, Wilhelm K, Collins L, Giles E, Lee S, Goodwin C and Cox M (2012) ‘The economic costs of rough sleeping: An estimation of the average economic costs of homelessness as measured by utilisation of services over a 12-month period’, Parity 25(6):37–38
Mackie P, Johnsen S and Wood J (2017) Ending Rough Sleeping: What Works? An International Evidence Review, Crisis, London.
McNamara L, Quilter J, Walsh T and Anthony T (2021) ‘Homelessness and contact with the criminal justice system: Insights from specialist lawyers and allied professionals in Australia’ International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 10(1), 111–129 doi: 10.5204/ijcjsd.1742
Moschion J and Johnson G (2019) ‘Homelessness and incarceration: A reciprocal relationship?’, Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 35(4), 855–887, doi: 10.1007/s10940-019-09407-y
NSW Government (2023) NSW Homelessness Strategy (2023-2028), NSW Government website, accessed 21 October 2025.
Parsell C, Clarke A and Vorsina M (2020) ‘Evidence for an integrated healthcare and psychosocial multidisciplinary model to address rough sleeping’, Health and Social Care in the Community 28:34–41, doi:10.1111/hsc.12835
Pawson H, Parsell C, Clarke A, Moore J, Hartley C, Aminpour F and Eagles K (2024) Australian Homelessness Monitor 2024, Sydney: UNSW City Futures Research Centre
Roggenbuck C (2023) ‘Introduction: How housing first could inform a systemic response to chronic homelessness and the broader housing system’, Parity, 36(7):8–10.
Robinson C (2010) Rough Living: Surviving Violence and Homelessness, UTS Shopfront Monograph Series No. 6, UTS Press, NSW, accessed 2 October 2025.
SGS Economics and Planning (2022) Give Me Shelter: the long-term costs of underproviding public, social and affordable housing, SGS Economics and Planning, accessed 17 September 2025.
Stambe, R, Kuskoff E, Parsell C, Plage S, Ablaza C, and Perales F (2023) ‘Assertive outreach as a response to rough sleeping: Seeing people, sharing information, and supporting housing access’, Life Course Centre Working Paper Series, 2023–20, Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland.
Steen A (2018) ‘The many costs of homelessness’, Medical Journal of Australia 208(4):167–168.
Vallesi S, Wood L and Cumming C (2019), ‘Move on to where? Legal and moral implications of moving people experiencing homelessness from the public realm’ University of Western Australia.
Walsh T, Anthony T, Beilby J, McNamara L and Quilter J (2024) ‘‘Back off! Stop making us illegal!’: the criminalisation of homelessness in Australia’ Social & Legal Studies, 34(1), 67–88.
Witte E (2017) The case for investing in last resort housing, MSSI Issues Paper No. 10, Melbourne Sustainable Society Institute, The University of Melbourne.
Wood L, Wood NJR, Vallesi S, Stafford A, Davies A and Cumming C (2019) ‘Hospital collaboration with a Housing First program to improve health outcomes for people experiencing homelessness’, Housing Care and Support 22(1):27–39, doi: 10.1108/HCS-09-2018-0023.