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Key findings

  • In 2016, young people aged 15–24 made up 21% of the homeless population (around 24,200 young people).
  • In 2016, rates of homelessness were substantially higher among young people aged 15–24 living in Remote and Very remote areas (6.2%) than among those living in Major cities (0.8%).
  • Between 2006 and 2016, the proportion of young people aged 15–24 experiencing homelessness increased from 0.7% (or 18,500 young people) in 2006 to 0.8% (or 24,200) in 2016.
  • In 2019–20, 3 of the main reasons young people aged 15–24 sought assistance from specialist homelessness services were a housing crisis (17%), family and domestic violence (17%) and inadequate or inappropriate dwelling conditions (12%).

Being homeless can substantially harm young people’s health and wellbeing, whether they are part of a family or living alone. Young people are particularly vulnerable to the enduring harm caused by disruption not only to their education and transition to employment but also to the formation of stable and healthy social networks (Heerde & Patton 2020).

Being homeless can limit access to medicine, treatment and basic hygiene and expose young people to sexual exploitation, violence and social isolation (Davies & Wood 2018). Homeless young people can also experience high levels of mental health problems, including anxiety, depression, behavioural problems and alcohol and drug misuse. Due to a combination of these factors, homeless young people face a high mortality (Aldridge et al. 2017; Heerde & Patton 2020).

Further, a linkage study found that young people involved in one of either the child protection, youth justice or homelessness systems were more likely than the general population to become involved in the others (AIHW 2012).

If young people live in overcrowded conditions, it can:

  • be a major source of stress for them, limiting their privacy, social behaviours and the autonomy in their lives
  • limit their access to basic amenities, clean conditions and encourage the spread of disease and illness
  • expose them to increased violence and abuse (Bilotta et al. 2018; Waters 2001).

These factors can all lead to poorer health outcomes and reduced wellbeing.

Young people are a national priority homelessness cohort in the National Housing and Homelessness Agreement, an agreement between the Australian and state and territory governments that came into effect on 1 July 2018 (CFFR 2018). This Agreement aims to help improve access to affordable, safe and sustainable housing across the housing spectrum, contribute to the reduction and prevention of homelessness and support social and economic participation. Under the agreement, priority cohorts are to be featured in the homelessness strategies of the states and territories.

In 2020, the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs launched an inquiry into homelessness in Australia. The inquiry has a wide-ranging terms of reference, which pay particular regard to support and services for young people (SCSPLA 2020a). An interim report presents evidence received on COVID-19 and homelessness in Australia (see COVID-19 and the impact on young people). (SCSPLA 2020b).

For an analysis of monthly data for specialist homelessness service clients during the COVID-19 pandemic (see COVID-19 and the impact on young people).

Box 1: Data sources and definitions of homelessness

ABS Census of Population and Housing

Data on young people experiencing homelessness and living in overcrowded dwellings come from the ABS Census of Population and Housing. The Census is collected by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) every 5 years, with the most recent data available for 2016. It is completed by the householder if present, or any adult member of the household (ABS 2016a). The ABS also has strategies targeting ‘rough sleepers’, ‘couch surfers’ and people living in supported accommodation to maximise the number of homeless people counted on Census night (ABS 2018a).

Defining homelessness

According to the ABS, a person is considered to be experiencing homelessness if they are:

  • living in an improvised dwelling, tent or sleeping out
  • in supported accommodation for the homeless
  • staying temporarily with another household and do not have a usual residence (see Technical notes), also known as ‘couch surfing’
  • staying in a boarding house or other temporary lodging, or
  • living in a severely crowded situation.

People living in severely crowded housing are defined as those living in a residence requiring 4 or more additional bedrooms according to the Canadian National Occupancy Standard (CNOS). These people are considered homeless as they do not have control of, nor access to, space for social relations (ABS 2018b). This definition of homelessness recognises that a home should be secure, stable and safe, with access to privacy for adults and children as well as space for sleep, study and play (CHP 2018).

Defining overcrowded households

The ABS definition of overcrowding is used in this section: households are considered overcrowded if they are estimated to require 3 extra bedrooms according to the CNOS (ABS 2018a). People living in overcrowded dwellings are considered a marginal housing group, at risk of homelessness.

This ABS definition differs from that used in National Housing and Homelessness Agreement reporting and in the Report on Government Services, where overcrowding is defined as households requiring 1 or more additional bedroom/s (SCRGSP 2019).

Canadian National Occupancy Standard

The CNOS assesses the bedroom requirements of a household based on the following criteria:

  • there should be no more than 2 persons per bedroom
  • children less than 5 years of age of different sexes may reasonably share a bedroom
  • children 5 years of age or older of different sexes should have separate bedrooms
  • children less than 18 years of age and of the same sex may reasonably share a bedroom
  • single household members 18 years or older should have a separate bedroom, as should parents or couples (ABS 2017).

While the CNOS model for assessing overcrowding can be useful to compare certain population groups, it may not be appropriate in the Indigenous and other culturally diverse contexts (AIHW 2019; 2020a). This is particularly true for cultures that value strong family connections and sharing accommodation with temporary and semi-permanent visitors (including ‘couch surfers’). Such cultural values and behaviours may influence household size.

Overcrowding can be assessed at either the household level or the individual level. This section reports on overcrowding at the individual level.

AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection

Data on young people receiving assistance from specialist homelessness services come from the Specialist Homelessness Services Collection (SHSC). The SHSC collects information about people who seek assistance from specialist homelessness services (SHS) agencies. Data are collected on an ongoing basis and submitted to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) on a monthly basis.

SHS agencies assist people who are homeless or at risk of homelessness. A client’s ‘homeless’ status is based on their housing (AIHW 2020b). This section reports ‘homelessness’ status based on client housing circumstances at the start of their first support period.

Homelessness services definitions

The SHSC considers people to be experiencing homelessness if they:

  • have no shelter or are living in an improvised/inadequate dwelling
  • are living in short-term temporary accommodation, or
  • are couch surfing or living with no tenure in a house, townhouse or flat.

People are considered at risk of homelessness if they are at risk of losing their accommodation and are living in:

  • public or community housing, either as a renter or rent free
  • private or other housing, as a renter, rent free or owner, or
  • institutional settings (AIHW 2020b).

How many young people are experiencing homelessness?

In 2016, based on the ABS Census of Population and Housing, around 24,200 young people aged 15–24 (0.8% of all young people) experienced homelessness on Census night with:

  • similar rates of homelessness among males and females
  • lower rates of homelessness among those aged 15–19 (0.6% or 9,000 young people) than among 20–24 year olds (1.0% or 15,200) (ABS 2016b).

Young people made up around 21% of the homeless population.

Among homeless young people aged 15–24 (around 24,200 young people):

  • the most common form of homelessness was living in severely crowded dwellings (58% or 14,100 young people)
  • 17% (or 4,200) were living in supported accommodation for the homeless, with the proportion nearly twice as high for homeless 15–19 year olds as for homeless 20–24 year olds (25% or 2,200 compared with 13% or 1,900) (ABS 2016b)
  • 11% (or 2,700) were staying temporarily with other households (couch surfing)
  • 11% (or 2,600) were staying in boarding houses and other temporary lodging
  • 3.0% (or 720) were ‘sleeping rough’ (that is, living in improvised dwellings, tents or sleeping out).

Box 2: How many young people use specialist homelessness services?

In 2019–20, based on data from the AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS) Collection, around 58,200 young people aged 15–24 (1.8% of young people) received assistance through homelessness services, with more females (63% or 36,700) than males (37% or 21,500) (AIHW 2020b).

Young people made up 20% of all people who received SHS assistance.

What do we know about young people using services?

In 2019–20, among young people aged 15–24 using SHS:

  • around 1 in 6 (17%) were secondary school students, 5.4% were in vocational education and training, 2.2% were university students and 1.9% were in other education or training at the start of support
  • around 1 in 8 had problematic drug or alcohol issues (12%)
  • 1.5% reported having disability (see Technical notes)
  • more than a third had experienced family and domestic violence (37%) (see Technical notes)
  • 3.3% were in the process of leaving care arrangements (see Technical notes)
  • 59% lived in Major cities, 25% in Inner regional areas, 11% in Outer regional areas and 5.3% in Remote or Very remote areas (AIHW 2020b).

Young people using SHS made up a particularly high proportion of all service users in Inner regional areas (22%, compared with 20% in Major cities, 20% in Outer regional areas and 19% in Remote and Very remote areas) (AIHW 2020b).

What are the main causes/reasons for accessing services for young people presenting alone?

Almost three-quarters (73% or 42,400) of young people receiving support from homelessness services in 2019–20 were young people presenting alone. Of those presenting alone that had a homeless status reported at first presentation for SHS services, around half (51%) were recorded as homeless, and around half (49%) were at risk of homelessness. The main reasons young people presenting alone sought assistance were:

  • housing crisis (17% or 7,200 young people)
  • family and domestic violence (17% or 7,100)
  • inadequate or inappropriate dwelling conditions (12% or 5,100)
  • relationship/family breakdown (12% or 5,100) (AIHW 2020b).

Has the homelessness rate for young people changed over time?

Between 2006 and 2016, the proportion of young people aged 15–24 experiencing homelessness increased, from 0.7% (or 18,500 young people) in 2006 to 0.8% (or 24,200) in 2016, with:

  • a greater increase for males (from 0.7% or 9,800 to 0.9% or 13,200) than for females (from 0.7% or 8,700 to 0.8% or 11,000)
  • a greater increase for 20–24 year olds (from 0.8% or 10,200 to 1.0% or 15,200) than 15–19 year olds (from 0.6% or 8,300 to 0.6% or 9,000) (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Proportion of young people aged 15–24 experiencing homelessness, by age group, 2006 to 2016

The column chart shows that the proportion of young people experiencing homelessness has increased for those aged 20–24 (from 0.8%25 in 2006 to 1.0%25 in 2016) and remained stable for those aged 15–19 (with 0.6%25 in 2016).

Chart: AIHW.
Source: ABS 2018b.

The most common form of homelessness among young people has consistently been living in severely crowded dwellings (44%, 53% and 58% of homeless young people in 2006, 2011 and 2016, respectively). The increase in young people experiencing homelessness over time is also predominantly due to an increase in those living in severely crowded dwellings (from 0.3% or 8,200 of all young people in 2006 to 0.5% or 14,100 in 2016) (ABS 2018b).

Are rates of homelessness the same for everyone?

In 2016, rates of homelessness among young people aged 15–24 varied by population group. Rates of homelessness were:

  • substantially higher among those living in Remote and Very remote areas (6.2% or 3,600 young people) than among those living in Major cities (0.8% or 16,700), Inner regional areas (0.5% or 2,300) and Outer regional areas (0.7% or 1,500). Higher rates of homelessness in Remote and Very remote areas were predominantly due to higher rates of severe crowding among young people in these areas (5.6% compared with 0.4% for Major cities, the next highest)
  • higher among those living in the lowest socioeconomic areas (1.7% or 9,800) than among those living in the highest socioeconomic areas (0.2% or 1,200)
  • higher among those born overseas (1.7% or 10,200) than among those born in Australia (0.5% or 11,900) (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Proportion of young people aged 15–24 experiencing homelessness, by selected population groups, 2016

The bar chart shows that the proportion of young people experiencing homelessness is highest in Remote and Very remote areas (6.2%25), the lowest socioeconomic areas (1.7%25), and for those born overseas (1.7%25).

Chart: AIHW.
Source: ABS 2018b.

Box 3: Couch surfers

Young people who are ‘couch surfing’ are recorded in the Census as those who are staying temporarily with other households and do not have a usual residence (see Technical notes). The ABS considers people recorded in this category as homeless.

In 2016, young people aged 15–24 represented around 15% of all people recorded as couch surfing (around 2,700 young people) with:

  • 15–19 year olds representing 4.5% (or 799) of all couch surfers
  • and 20–24 year olds representing 10% (or 1,900) of all couch surfers (ABS 2016b).

Young males aged 15–24 represented 14% (or 1,400) of all males recorded as couch surfing and young females represented 17% (or 1,200) of all females.

Comparing the data for 2006 and 2016, while the estimated number of people couch surfing has remained the same (17,700), the proportion of all homeless people who couch surf has fallen (from 20% to 15%). The proportion of all couch surfers aged 15–24 has also fallen over time (from 18% in 2006 to 15% in 2016) (ABS 2016b).

It is likely that the number of young people couch surfing is underestimated by the Census (see Technical notes).

Based on data from the SHSC for 2019–20, 24% (or 13,900) of SHS clients aged 15–24 were couch surfing or living with no tenure in a house, townhouse or flat at the start of their first support period (AIHW 2020b).

How many young people live in overcrowded housing?

In 2016, around 22,900 young people aged 15–24 lived in overcrowded housing (0.8% of all young people) (excluding those living in severely crowded dwellings, see Box 1 for definitions).

  • The rates among young males and young females were similar (0.8% or 12,700 and 0.7% or 10,300, respectively).
  • Rates were higher among 20–24 year olds (0.9% or 14,400) than among 15–19 year olds (0.6% or 8,500).
  • Young people aged 15–24 were over-represented in overcrowded living situations, making up 28% of all people living in overcrowded housing but comprising 12% of the Australian population (ABS 2016b).

Have rates of overcrowding improved over time?

From 2006 to 2016, the proportion of young people aged 15–24 who lived in overcrowded housing increased by 1.6 times (from 0.5% or 12,500 young people to 0.8% or 22,900).

  • it increased more for 20–24 year olds than for 15–19 year olds (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Proportion of young people aged 15–24 living in overcrowded housing, by age group, 2006–2016

The column chart shows that the proportion of young people living in overcrowded housing has increased from 2006 to 2016 for both those aged 15–19 (from 0.4%25 to 0.6%25) and 20–24 (from 0.5%25 to 0.9%25).

Chart: AIHW.
Source: ABS 2018b.

Are rates of overcrowding the same for everyone?

In 2016, the proportion of young people aged 15–24 living in overcrowded housing varied by population group. The proportion was:

  • at least 3 times as high for those living in Remote and Very remote areas (2.9% or 1,700 young people) as for those living in Outer regional areas (0.4% or 1,000), Major cities (0.8% or 18,700) or Inner regional areas (0.3% or 1,500)
  • 8 times as high for those living in the lowest socioeconomic areas compared with those living in the highest (1.7% or 9,800 compared with 0.2% or 1,200)
  • more than 5 times as high for young people born overseas as for young people born in Australia (2.2% or 13,300 compared with 0.4% or 9,200) (Figure 4).

Figure 4: Proportion of young people aged 15–24 who live in overcrowded housing, by selected population groups, 2016

The bar chart shows that the proportion of young people who live in overcrowded housing was highest for those: in Remote and Very remote areas (2.9%25), born overseas (2.2%25), in the lowest socioeconomic areas (1.7%25), and in multiple family and other households (1.7%25).

Chart: AIHW.
Source: ABS 2018b.

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For information on topics related to homelessness in Australia’s youth, see:

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